Showing posts with label Roman History ESL Listening. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Roman History ESL Listening. Show all posts

Thursday, June 24, 2021

Caligula: Roman History Story Time ESL Listening

(TESOL Worksheets--Roman HistoryStory Time ESL Listening)

Worksheet: docspub
Video: HERE
(Based on this old speech HERE--also described HERE)



Watch the Video: https://youtu.be/3PMN9OrN2Zs


Caligula 12-41A.D.

The Roman Empire—A forum through which ran some of the best and worst history has to offer. Commonly ranked as second only to Nero in the worst is Caligula. He came extremely close to destroying the whole Empire, and only a handful of brave men were able to stop him. They were faced with the impossible task of killing an Emperor.

Caligula was born in 12 AD in an army camp in Gaul.  His father was one of Rome’s most famous generals--Germanicus. 

Caligula was named after Gaius Julius Caesar, who was one of his ancestors (by adoption--his great grandfather was Augustus Caesar, who had been adopted by Julius Caesar in his will.)  But Caligula enjoyed dressing up like a soldier at three years old, and so earned the nickname “little boots”, or Caligula in Latin

Caligula became the third Roman Emperor after Tiberius died in AD 37.  He ruled wisely for the first few months, but then he fell sick and suffered from an unknown illness.  This illness seemed to have an effect on his mental health, and he was never quite the same after he recovered.

Caligula used up all the money in the treasury through reckless spending.  Then, when he needed more money, Caligula had rich people executed on false charges in order to confiscate their fortunes.  There were over 38 known victims who were killed in this way.

When the Germanic tribes began to make trouble on the border, Caligula marched his troops over to restore order.  He then boasted that he would conquer Britain also.  However disloyal troops made this impossible.  As a way to save face, Caligula told the troops that they must first conquer the sea, and had them collect sea shells in their helmets.  The troops viewed this as a great humiliation.

In 40 A.D., Caligula declared himself a god, and ordered the whole empire to worship him as such.  In the Egyptian city of Alexandria, the Jews refused to do so.  There had been a long standing rivalry between the Jews and the Greeks in Alexandria, so when the Jews refused to worship Caligula, the Greeks burned down their houses. The tension in Alexandria rose so high that the case was brought before Caligula.  The Greek spokesman, Apion, spoke first.  He claimed that the Jews were failing to honor the emperor by refusing to worship him.  The Jewish spokesman, Philio, attempted to reply, but he never got the chance.  Caligula angrily cult him off.  

As a result of this conference, Caligula sent Petronius to replace the Legate of Syria.  Caligula told Petronius to march to Jerusalem and place a statue of himself in the Holy of Holies in the Jerusalem temple.

While he was still on his way, Petronius was met by thousand of Jews at the city of Ptolemais.  The Jews pleaded for peace, but also threatened revolution if the statue of Caligula was placed inside their temple  They threatened to destroy all of their crops, which would cause famine throughout the region.  At the city of Tiberias, the same thing happened.  Petronius was met by a group of Jews who also pleaded for peace, but promised they would stop at nothing to resist Caligula’s statue being placed in their temple.

At last, Petronius decided to sit down and write a letter to Caligula, explaining the situation, and telling Caligula why the plan to put his statue in the Jewish temple wouldn’t work.

While all of this was going on, Herod Agrippa, the King of Judea, met with Caligula and pleaded with him to stop his plans.   Herod Agrippa was the grandson of the famous Herod the Great, and had actually been an intimate friend of Caligula before Caligula became emperor.  Caligula reluctantly agreed to stop his plan.

It was at this moment that the letter from Petronius arrived.  Coming as it did when Caligula was still feeling disappointed about his plan, the letter only agitated Caligula further.  He wrote back and ordered Petronius to commit suicide.  Petronius, however, must have laughed when he read the letter.  News of Caligula’s assassination had reached him first.


Caligula’s Assassination

At first there were three groups working on Caligula’s assassination.  Originally they each worked without knowing about the others.  But later they joined into one group.

The key conspirators were Chaerea, Sabinus, and Vinicianus.  Chaerea was a member of Caligula’s Praetorian guard, but he had a high-pitched voice, and Caligula mocked him for it.  Whenever Chaerea had to kiss Caligula’s ring, Caligula would hold out his hand with only the middle finger extended--a gesture which meant the same thing in Roman times as it does today.   Whenever Charea was in charge of giving out the nightly passwords, Caligula would always make the password obscene.

In addition to his humiliation by Caligula, Chaerea was also motivated by his love for liberty.  He dreamed of restoring the Republic.

The other key conspirators were Cornelius Sabinus, a military tribune of the Praetorian Guard, and a Roman Senator Vinicianus.

On the appointed day for the assassination, the omens were bad for Caligula.  As he was sacrificing, the blood from the sacrifice squirted on him. When Caligula went to see a play, one of the actors got nervous, and started vomiting blood.  The other actors who were on stage were eager to show that they also had the same talent, and pretty soon the play turned in to a contest to see who could vomit the most blood.

The conspirators had planned to get Caligula when he left the play to bathe and have lunch.  However, when Caligula showed signs of intending to stay through the whole play, the conspirators began to panic.  Vinicianus urged Chaerea to do the act, and Chaerea almost committed assassination in the theater, but in the end Caligula was convinced to leave.

Caligula took a shorter route out of the theater than normal through an unguarded alley, where he was surrounded by conspirators.  Chaerea asked Caligula for the password of the day.  Caligula, suspecting nothing, gave his usual obscene reply.  Chaerea stabbed Caligula in the neck.  Caligula ran, but Sabinus pushed him down.  Caligula was stabbed thirty times.  The fatal blow is credited to a man named Aquila.  During this time, Caligula’s litter barrens took poles from the litter and tried to fight off the assassins, but it did little good.

After the assassination, Caligula’s German bodyguards arrived on the scene.  Fiercely loyal, they began taking their revenge by cutting down anyone in sight.  Many people were killed, both conspirators and innocent bystanders alike.  However, many of the conspirators also escaped thanks to Alcyon, a physician who smuggled many out while pretending to look for supplies.

After escaping from the German bodyguards, Chaerea began to get nervous that Caligula’s wife and daughter were still left alive, and so he sent a soldier named Lupus to go to Caligula’s house and take care of them.  Lupus killed Caligula’s wife, Caesonia, by running her through with a sword.  He killed Caligula’s daughter, Drusilla, by smashing her head against the wall.

Meanwhile, while the German bodyguards were looking for the assassins, they found Caligula’s uncle, Claudius, hiding behind a curtain.  Claudius had a speech impediment that made him stutter, so Caligula had mocked Claudius and used to force Claudius to dress up as a clown.  But when the German bodyguards found Claudius hiding behind the curtain, they hailed him as the new emperor.

The new emperor, Claudius, was glad of Caligula’s death.  But, nevertheless, since he was emperor now, he did not want to reward people who assassinated emperors.  He needed to make an example of them.  Claudius had Chaerea, and several other of the conspirators killed.  Public opinion turned against these executions, so Claudius had the executions stopped before all the conspirators were killed.  But Sabinus felt guilty about being left alive after the others were killed, and Sabinus committed suicide.

Through the valor of brave men, who risked their lives to stop a madman, the empire was saved. The republic never returned. Its time had passed. But history will always remember those who died to save the world from the corruption of power—from Caligula.

Wednesday, June 23, 2021

Mutiny in Pannonia: Roman History Story Time ESL Listening

(TESOL Worksheets--Roman HistoryStory Time ESL Listening)

Worksheet: docspub
Slow Speed Video: HERE, Normal Speed Video HERE
(Based on this old Forensics Speech HERE)





Mutiny in Pannonia Roman History 14 A.D.

Video slow speed: https://youtu.be/XO9eQGj14H8

Video normal speed: https://youtu.be/Ee7CD5nasaY


Mutiny in Pannonia Roman History 14 A.D.

We live in a world today that is constantly manipulated by people who only want you to see one side of things. It is easy to get discouraged in this type of environment, but we must remember that the problem is not unique to our culture or even our time period. It is a problem that even the ancient Romans had to deal with.

This story of propaganda, violence, and compromise began in what is now known as Western Hungary and Northern Yugoslavia, then known as Pannonia. In that region were stationed, under the command of Quintus Junius Blaesus, the 8th, 9th, and 10th brigades. When the emperor Augustus Caesar died in the year 14 A.D., and was succeeded by his adopted son, Tiberius, Blaesus suspended the normal duties of the soldiers for a time of public mourning. The soldiers soon grew accustomed to the relaxed life, and were not too thrilled about the idea of returning to their grueling schedules.

In addition, the men were also worried about their future. Now that there was a new emperor, his plans for the army remained to be seen. It was on this basis that a man named Percennius was able to take advantage of the situation. Percennius had been a professional applause leader before he became a soldier. He was experienced in manipulating crowds, and began to put his skills to use. He talked to the soldiers in the twilight or dark, after the more obedient ones had gone to bed, leaving only the other element behind.

One night Percennius gave his big finale. He pointed out the harsh discipline of the army, its low pay, the old men still stuck in the ranks, and the disappointing retirement plan. His speech struck home. The soldiers shouted that the three brigades should merge into one for a mutiny. However this idea was not to be, as each brigade wanted to keep their former name. They did, however, begin piling dirt to build a focal point for the mutiny.

At this point, Blaesus came on the scene and was horrified by what he saw. He began to run from one man to another, urging them to end this project. The platform kept increasing despite his efforts. But Blaesus never stopped his shouting and eventually convinced them to stop. Then Blaesus pleaded with them to send delegates to Rome instead of mutiny. The men insisted that Blaesus’s own son, a colonel, represent them. He was instructed to request a sixteen year limit on the maximum term of service for soldiers, and he would receive further instructions once that was done. The colonel left for Rome, and the men became quite peaceful.

Unfortunately the story does not end here. Before the mutiny had even begun, detachments had been sent to the nearby town of Nauportus. When the soldiers there heard about the troubles in Pannonia, they tore down their colors and looted Nauportus and the surrounding villages. The company commanders who tried to stop them were mocked, abused, and beaten. The corps chief of staff, Aufidienus Rufus, who was known for reviving the strict army rules of the past, was the main victim of the anger. He was pulled out of his carriage, had baggage piled on his back, and forced to march at the head of the column, enduring frequent inquiries about his enjoyment of the experience.

Once the men from Nauportus reached camp, the mutiny was revived. The whole district was ransacked by the soldiers. In a desperate act to retain some sort of order, Blaesus ordered those who looted more than the rest to be flogged and confined to cells, for he was still obeyed by company commanders and loyal soldiers. The plan backfired. As they were being dragged off to be flogged, the guilty soldiers did everything they could to arouse sympathy. Everyone rushed to their rescue, freeing all those in the cells. This let condemned murderers out as well.

In the excitement of the moment, a private soldier named Vibulenus was hoisted on the shoulders of his comrades. As he broke into tears, he told the tragic story of his brother, sent by the soldiers in Germany to talk with the soldiers in Pannonia about their common interests. When his brother had arrived at the camp, he had been butchered by Blaesus’s guards and his body hidden. The effect of this tale was stunning. Three bands were formed, one which arrested and tortured Blaesus’s slaves, one which arrested the rest of his household, and one that went in search of the body. Blaesus himself was almost killed. Things settled down when it was discovered Vibulenus never had a brother.

The passion aroused by this speech was not by any means gone. It just lashed out at a different victim: the senior officers, who were forced to flee. Only one senior officer was killed, company commander Lucius, better known to the soldiers as “another please”. When he was disciplining a soldier, it was not uncommon for him to break a stick over the soldier’s back. He would simply ask for another stick, and if need be another, and another, and so on. 

The rest of his comrades were able to find safety, except for poor Julius Clemens. He was spared death because the mutineers thought he would make an excellent spokesman for them.

The Emperor Tiberius sent his son, Drusus, and two battalions of the guard to deal with this problem. Drusus received no definite instructions. He was only told to act as events warrant.

When Drusus arrived at camp, he mounted the dais. The soldiers roared at him, but Drusus fought for silence and eventually won it. He then read a letter from Tiberius which expressed how much the Emperor cared for the soldiers, so he had sent his son to deal with them. Drusus had been authorized to make any decisions Tiberius could have made, and the rest would be left up to the Senate.

After this, Julius Clemens spoke the demands of the mutineers, on which he had been briefed. He asked for a sixteen-year maximum term of service, gratuities at completion, the pay of four sesterces a day, and no recalls after release. Drusus replied that Tiberius and the Senate must decide this, which caused an uproar among the soldiers.

The army made many menacing gestures to all of Drusus’s staff, but they were particularly bitter against Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus II, who somehow struck them as a snob. Drusus realized the danger, and decided to evacuate Lentulus to the winter camp. Ironically, as the army saw him being escorted out of the camp by Drusus, they became convinced he was leaving for Rome so he could oppose them there. They surrounded him and hurled large stones. One stone hit Lentulus and he started to seriously bleed. Fortunately, the arrival of Drusus’s main force saved him from further injury.

That night, passions were high among soldiers, and Drusus was certain that it would bring disaster. Fortunately, the moon waned that night, and the soldiers were convinced it was a sign that the moon goddess was unhappy with them. They gathered every instrument they could get their hands on, and played in hopes that their music would appease the goddess, but it had no effect. Many thought the moon goddess was disgusted by their mutiny. Drusus saw his chance and seized it. He called together Julius Clemens, and any other officers who were popular with the soldiers. They were sent to go around the camp, reasoning with the soldiers to drop the mutiny.

By morning, the attitude of the soldiers had changed. Drusus called a meeting and gave a speech, in which he promised he would do all he could to make sure they were treated with mercy if the soldiers would return to work. They agreed. The younger Blaesus was sent back to Tiberius.

While the delegation was away, a debate sprang up over how to treat the soldiers. Drusus favored severity. Vibulenus and Percennius were summoned and executed. Other chief instigators were either hunted down and killed, or given up by their units as proof of loyalty.

That winter, the rain came down unceasingly, confining soldiers to tents. The brigades were convinced it was divine punishment. The only way to be forgiven, they thought, was to leave the defiled camp and go to their winter quarters. The 8th left first, followed by the 15th. The 9th was quite vocal in its decision to wait for a reply from Tiberius, but the withdraw of its comrades left it no choice. Drusus left for Rome, without waiting for the delegation to return.

The soldiers had been easily manipulated, first by Percennius, then by Vibulenus, and finally by Drusus. From this example we can learn the value of examining critically what others say. We can also learn from Drusus the value of compromise.


Tuesday, June 22, 2021

Organized Gang Warfare in the Late Roman Republic: Roman History Story Time ESL Listening

(TESOL Worksheets--Roman HistoryStory Time ESL Listening)

Worksheet: docspub
Video Part 1 HERE
(Based on this old paper HERE)



Watch the Video: https://youtu.be/w6pklijRdlM


Organized Gang Warfare in the Late Roman Republic


His exploits caused the forum to be soaked with blood, and led to armed conflict in the streets becoming a part of daily life in ancient Rome. To a Republican government that was already outdated, Clodius helped deliver the final deathblow. His actions showed the flaws of the Roman Republic, and ultimately necessitated the rise of dictators such as Pompey and Caesar who could restore order.

Mob violence had always played an important role in the Republic. In the late Republic it was much more evident. Demagogues such as the Gracchi and Saturninus based their power on the support of the Roman proletariat, which was politically emasculated but physically a force to deal with. However, the organized gangs that Clodius and his opponent Milo used were unprecedented. We can see the significance of these gangs by looking briefly at the history of Clodius himself, the nature of the coalition he assembled, and at the reign of violence he brought to the city of Rome, and its effects.

Born Publius Pulcher Claudius, Clodius changed the spelling of his last name from “Claudius” to “Clodius” to reflect the plebeian pronunciation of his name.  Clodius’s early political career is known only in fragments. Surprisingly he, like many of the young nobles who would later join him, was from an optimate family (Rome’s conservative party) (Huzar 25). Clodius’s father was one of Sulla’s patrician officers and was died fighting for Sulla at the Battle of the Colline Gate in 82 BCE (Weigal 93), leaving Clodius to be raised by his older brother Appius Pulcher Claudius (Gruen 59). In 70 BCE, Clodius joined his brother-in-law Lucullus (Weigal 93) as an officer in Lucullus’s army against Mithridates. While serving under his brother-in-law, Clodius started a mutiny from the headquarters of the army. Declaring himself the “soldier’s friend”, Clodius successfully encouraged the soldiers to rebel by contrasting Lucullus’s tightness with the spoils of war to Pompey’s reputed generosity. Lucullus was unable to continue the war on account of his brother-in-law, and Clodius soon found himself unwelcome (Kahn 115). Clodius transferred to the army of his other brother in law, and had many adventures (such as joining the Syrian army against the Arabs, or being captured by pirates) before returning to Rome in 65 BCE (Weigal 93).

Clodius became the leader of what Cicero described as a “gang of young incorrigibles” (as quoted in Huzar 24). These youths from powerful families were involved in drinking and playing dice. They seemed almost to desire that their actions would shock respectable Rome. Among Clodius’s gang were Mark Antony and Curio, both of whom would later become rising political stars on their own.

Although Clodius and his company loved to shock their fellow citizens, Clodius was unprepared for the backlash that followed his most outrageous stunt. Clodius disguised himself as a woman and attended the Bona Dea (good goddess) festival. For a man to attend this festival was a sacrilege that the Romans were terrified would upset the Pax Deorum (the peace of the gods). When Clodius was found out, he was attacked by a mob of furious women and barely made his escape. Since Julius Caesar was Pontifex Maximus at the time, the festival had been held at his house. It was rumored that Clodius was having an affair with Caesar’s wife. Caesar divorced his wife because of this, but appears to have held no grudge against Clodius (Ward 205-209).

Clodius was brought to trial for his sacrilege, but insisted he was innocent since he had been in Interamna on the day in question, fifty miles away from Rome. Cicero destroyed Clodius’s alibi by revealing that Clodius had visited him on that same day. Clodius was acquitted, but he never forgave Cicero (Weigal 95).

Desirous of increased political power, Clodius wanted to get elected into the Tribune of Plebs. However, since he was a patrician, he was ineligible. With the help of Julius Caesar, acting as Pontifex Maximus, Clodius arranged to have himself adopted into a Plebeian family (Kahn 203). Clodius was elected as a Tribune, just as he desired. Clodius made it clear he was out to get Cicero from his new position of power. During the Catiline conspiracy, Cicero as Consul had put to death Roman citizens without a trial. Clodius hoped to condemn him for this. Without waiting to see what Clodius would do to him, Cicero fled into voluntary exile (Furhmann 94-96).

As a Tribune, Clodius worked to increase his power base. He succeeded in passing two bills, one of which reconstituted the collegia, previously outlawed in 64 BCE, and allowed the formation of new collegia. The second bill provided free grain to all citizens, dramatically increasing Clodius’s support with the urban poor. Despite optimate criticism, Clodius opened up the temple of Castor to registration in the new collegia (Kahn 214, 215).

“Despite his adventurism and the instability of the coalition he assembled, Clodius represented Caesar’s most effective ally,” (Kahn 214). However, regardless of how useful Clodius was, Caesar was soon to regret the support he had lent to him. “Whilst it is true that each of the triumvirate at various times hoped to use Clodius for his own ends, the fact remains that the tribune’s program was of his own construction to suit his own ambition for dominance,” (Shotter 71). Once Caesar left for Gaul, Clodius was unleashed.

Pompey and Caesar were both becoming unpopular, and Clodius saw this as a chance to switch his allegiance. Clodius picked apart some of Caesar’s legislation, but as the self-declared champion of the people, his primary target was Pompey. Pompey and Crassus were competing with each other. Clodius supported Crassus in this competition in return for interest-free loans from the richest man in Rome (Huzar 25). Clodius undermined Pompey’s treaties in the East, attacked him verbally, and even had his thugs assault Pompey in public. Soon, Pompey would not even leave his house because of Clodius (Gruen 99).

The worst insult of all concerned the son of Tigranes, who was a hostage Pompey had brought back from the East. He was kept captive in the house of Praetor Lucius Flavius. Clodius liberated the captive, and when Flavius tried to recapture him, a battle was fought outside the city gates. Clodius was ultimately successful, but not without heavy losses on both sides (Greenhalgh 11-13).

In retaliation, Pompey gave his support to Titus Annius Milo, an impoverished nobleman who would soon become Clodius’s worst enemy (Heaton 71). Milo formed his own gang to counteract that of Clodius, and thereafter, until the death of Clodius in 52 BCE, the streets of Rome were filled with blood as the two rival gangs battled each other for control.

Before proceeding further, it is worthwhile to examine the nature of Clodius’s support, as well as that of Milo’s. Clodius’s supporters were mostly the urban poor, recruited through the collegia and organized either by profession (guilds) or district (Lintott 193). Clodius’s gang consisted largely of slaves, but included a large number of freemen and urban poor. Of the latter, many were down and out, but many were also skilled men with trades who felt exploited by those who strived to maintain the status quo (Lintott 196-197). Clodius had several other gang leaders to help him keep his men organized. Their names are given to us by Cicero, but little other information remains of them (Lintott 83).

The tactics of Clodius were unique to his time. Outside of the city lay proconsular armies that could have crushed Clodius and his gang. However, during the time of Republican Rome, the armies were not allowed inside the city boundaries.  As long as the law was observed and these armies could not enter Rome, Clodius’s gangs were a force to be reckoned with. His gang was equivalent to a miniature army. Futhermore, Clodius was not interested in votes outside of the city of Rome, as both the Gracchi and Saturninus had been. Clodius “pursued urban political power as an end to itself,” (Lintott 196).

Under these circumstances, the only way Clodius could have been opposed was by someone who raised a rival gang inside of the city--which is what Milo did. Milo’s gang consisted not of dedicated volunteers, like that of Clodius’s gang, but mostly gladiators he had bought. His success against Clodius’s forces “showed that a small group of professionals could be as satisfactory as Clodius’s mass movement where violence alone was required” (Lintott 85). Also, whereas Clodius only relied on those inside the city of Rome for support, Milo had men outside of Rome he could call in for support when he needed to.

Because the activities of these gangs were legally defensible if it could be proved that the other gang had struck first, they were largely immune to the courts, although gang leaders were occasionally brought to trial (Lintott 29).

With two rival gangs now in place, the violence increased dramatically. Sympathy turned against Clodius, and many began to wish that Cicero was back in Rome to make trouble for him. When the question of Cicero’s recall was discussed in 57 BCE, Clodius and his forces attacked the assembly, killing many. Cicero’s younger brother, Quintus Cicero, escaped the slaughter only by hiding under a pile of corpses. The senate continued to deliberate the question of Cicero, and when Clodius tried to stop them, Milo retaliated in kind. By midsummer, Clodius’s forces were worn out, and the Senate was able to vote for Cicero’s recall (Heaton 72).

Cicero returned and attached himself to Milo for support against Clodius. Since Cicero returned a hero, he was able to convince the Senate to restore his house (which Clodius and his gang had destroyed) at public expense (Fuhrmann 96). Clodius and his company drove away the workers from Cicero’s house, and destroyed what was already there. Clodius also burned Quintus Cicero’s house, and then went to storm Milo’s property. After doing battle with Milo’s forces, Clodius succeeded in setting fire to his house, but not before losing many of his men (Gruen 294).

Often, Clodius attacked Cicero directly with his gang, doing battle with Cicero’s bodyguards. In one of these encounters, Clodius apparently got himself into a position were he was at the mercy of Cicero, but Cicero gave his bodyguard the signal to let Clodius go (Furhmann 119).

Clodius ran for Aedile in 56 BCE. Although Milo as a tribune tried to postpone the elections, he was unsuccessful. Clodius attempted to bring Milo to trial for using gladiators to defend himself, even though Clodius was guilty of this as well. Pompey tried to speak in Milo’s defense, but he was constantly interrupted by personal abuse from Clodius. Clodius acted like a cheerleader with the crowd, shouting out, “Who is starving the people to death? Who wanted to be sent to Alexandria? Who is the dissolute general? Who scratches his head with one finger?” After each question the crowd would shout out “Pompeius!” Clodius than asked, “Whom do you want to go to Alexandria?” and the crowd replied, “Crassus!” Pompey was forced to listen to these insults until Milo and his men rushed forward and chased Clodius off the rostra (Seager 119).

Clodius continued his hostility toward Pompey, even going to the extent of plotting against his life. Pompey was irritated by Clodius, and summoned more men from the country for his defense. The Senate did not like Clodius, but they liked Pompey even less, and so Clodius was allowed to continue his antics (Heaton 76).

Clodius’s positions were always changing however, making it hard for both his friends and enemies to know where he stood. “Clodius’s explosive political strands were combined with dramatic transfers of allegiance” (Gruen 59). By 54 BCE, Clodius shifted his alliance back to the Triumvirs, and reconciled himself to Pompey. The reasons for this drastic change of position are not clear. Perhaps it has to do with the fact that Pompey’s son married Clodius’s niece (the daughter of Appius Claudius) (Rawson 139).

Despite his reconciliation to Pompey, Clodius and Milo remained bitter enemies. This had the effect of straining Pompey’s relationship with Milo. Milo asked Pompey for more support, but Pompey promised him nothing, and increasingly began to distance himself from Milo (Gruen 150). Pompey also claimed to have reconciled Cicero to Clodius, but the fact that relationships remained poor between the two cast doubts on the validity of this reconciliation (Rawson 136).

Also in 54 BCE, one of Caesar’s henchmen, Publius Vatinius was put on trial for violence through the collegia and corruption. Cicero had by this point submitted to the Triumvirs in return for their protection, and agreed to defend Vatinius. Clodius also came to Vatinius’s aid, ascending the tribunal and scattering the lots for jurors. Vatinius was acquitted (Heaton 80).

In 53 BCE, Clodius decided to become a candidate for praetorship. In the same year, Milo ran for consul, feeling that the current chaos Rome was in would allow him to win despite his unorthodox methods. Clodius was terrified of the idea of his enemy obtaining the most powerful political position in Rome, and supported Hypsaeus as an opponent candidate to Milo. Clodius used all the violence and murder for which he was famous to try and stop Milo. Pompey may have even helped Clodius gather rustics and slaves from the Apennines. Clodius openly declared that Milo was going to be killed.

Milo had already demonstrated he was able to play the same game, however. The two gangs continually fought it out in the streets of Rome, with elections being postponed repeatedly.  As a result, the year 52 BCE began without any elected consuls, and the Senate had to appoint an interregnum to rule (Gruen 300).

In one of these battles in the Forum, Mark Antony, having long since left Clodius’s gang, attacked his former leader with a sword. Clodius escaped only by barricading himself in the stairs of a nearby bookstore. Why Mark Antony did this is a mystery. Since Antony was without question Caesar’s man at this point, it is hypothesized that Caesar, realizing that Clodius had once again gotten out of control, ordered his death. However it was unlike Caesar to order an execution in the Forum in broad daylight. Another possibility is that Antony was acting on his own impulse in what he thought was Caesar’s best interest. A third possibility is that Antony had a personal vendetta against Clodius. Clodius had accused Antony of having an affair with Clodius’s wife Fulvia (who would in fact later marry Mark Antony, after the death of both Clodius and her second husband Curio), and if this is true, then perhaps Antony wanted Clodius out of the way. In any case, Antony was soon to see what good luck it was to fail, for if he had been responsible for the death of Clodius, it would certainly have ended his political career (Huzar 37).

On January 18, 52 BCE, Clodius and Milo met on the Appian Way, and Clodius was killed as a result. Exactly how it happened was never quite clear. Cicero claimed that Clodius was waiting in ambush for Milo, and when Milo and his escort passed through, Clodius and his thugs attacked them. In the course of the fight, Clodius was wounded and carried by some of his men into a nearby inn. Cicero claims that Milo, once he realized what happened to Clodius, was unsure of what to do. However, when realizing that he would be blamed for the murder either way, he sent his men into the inn to drag Clodius out. When they went into the inn, Clodius was already dead from his wounds, and so Milo was saved from his guilt.

Other stories were not quite as sympathetic to Milo. Some claimed that Milo initiated the battle. When Clodius was injured, Milo’s men went into the inn, killed the innkeeper, dragged Clodius out, stabbed him several times, and left his corpse on the road. Another version is that Clodius and Milo passed each other with their escort without incident. Then, one of Milo’s men managed to slip into Clodius’s gang, and after following Clodius for a while, stabbed him in the back (Kahn 280).

Whatever the case, once Clodius was dead, his wife Fulvia, sent runners throughout the city to alert the people of his death. That same night, a large crowd gathered outside of Clodius’s house, and Fulvia’s lamentation excited the crowd. After Fulvia the multitudes were further riled up by the speeches of two tribunes, Titus Munatius Plancus, and Quintus Pompeius Rufus. The city of Rome was soon to see how much the people valued their champion. A huge crowd carried Clodius’s body through the streets and into the Senate house. Clodius was carried naked so as to show his wounds. Then, the whole Senate house was burned down as a funeral pyre for Clodius (Kahn 281).

Anarchy reigned in Rome following the death of Clodius. Many optimates were murdered, as well as any well dressed person foolish enough to be caught walking in the streets (Weigal 132-133). “The commoners raged through the city beating and murdering all whom they suspected of sympathy with their hero’s murderer, and wreaked their fury on the rich, attacking especially those who wore fine clothes and gold rings” (Kahn 281). Milo was prudent enough to stay hidden for most of the ordeal, but when he was convinced to make a speech in his defense, a riot ensued. Milo escaped only by disguising himself as a slave. Lepidus’s house was besieged, and his family saved only by Milo’s gladiators. Clodius’s relative, Sextus Clodius, assumed leadership of the gang. He led them on an attack of Milo’s house, but they were driven off by arrows from Milo’s defenders.

The Senate, in desperation, decided to vote Pompey an unprecedented and illegal sole consulship, with power to raise troops and restore order. Because of the circumstances, even strict constitutionalists, such as Cato, approved the measure. Although other consuls were later appointed, Pompey was to retain this power in fact if not in name until the civil war with Caesar. In an effort to maintain order, Pompey implemented many laws that were thought by Caesar’s allies to be indirectly against Caesar, and this helped to hasten the civil war (Greenham 83).

Cicero undertook the defense of Milo. Cicero wrote a speech defending Milo, but never delivered it.   Despite the protection of Pompey’s soldiers, Cicero was so intimidated by the howling crowd that he broke down and was unable to deliver his speech.  Even if Cicero’s nerves had not failed him, the mob probably would have yelled him down and not let him deliver his speech anyway.  There was frequent violence between the crowd and Pompey’s soldiers throughout the trial, and many of the crowd was killed. In the end, Milo was ultimately condemned and exiled (Heaton 81).

Clodius’s politics were far from orthodox, and the rules of his game were much different than the rules of Caesar and Pompey, but for a period of time it can be said that he was the most powerful man in Rome. That Clodius’s methods could be so successful demonstrates the frustration of the urban poor in Rome, and should be taken as a sign that the Republic was on its way out. Clodius hastened this departure. The anarchy he created in the city was only restored by giving Pompey sole power, which was one of the factors leading to civil war between Caesar and Pompey, and Caesar’s eventual dictatorship. Also, the reign of violence he unleashed on the city of Rome caused both rich and poor to wish for law and order as opposed to freedom under the republic. Clodius is certainly one of history’s most colorful characters. He took mob violence to an extreme no one had done before him, and his effects on history remain visible.


Bibliography


Furhmann, Manfred. Cicero and the Roman Republic. Blackwell. Cambridge. 1990


Greenhalgh, Peter. Pompey: The Republican Prince. University of Missouri Press. Columbia. 1982


Gruen, Erich. The Last Generation of the Roman Republic. University of California Press. Berkeley. 1974


Heaton, J.W. Mob Violence in the Late Roman Republic: 133-49 B.C. University of Illinois. Urbana. 1939.


Huzar, Eleanor. Mark Antony. University of Minnesota Press. Minneapolis. 1978


Kahn, Arthur. The Education of Julius Caesar. Shocken Books. New York. 1986.


Lintott, A.W. Violence in Republican Rome. Clarendon Press. Oxford. 1968.


Rawson, Beryl. The Politics of Friendship: Pompey and Cicero. Sydney University Press. Forest Grove. 1978.


Seager, Robin. Pompey: A Political Biography. University of California Press. Berkeley. 1979.


Shotter, David. The Fall of the Roman Republic. Routledge. New York. 1994.


Ward, Allen. Marcus Crassus and the Late Republic. University of Missouri Press. Columbia. 1977.


Weigal, Arthur. The Life and Times of Mark Antony. Garden City Publishing Company. 1931



Monday, June 21, 2021

The Catilinarian Conspiracy: Roman History Story Time ESL Listening

(TESOL Worksheets--Roman HistoryStory Time ESL Listening)

Worksheet: docspub
Video Part 1 HERE
(Based on this old paper HERE)



Watch the Video: https://youtu.be/wjTBdQCr-54


The Catilinarian Conspiracy: 63 B.C.

In its last days, the Republic of Rome was beginning to collapse under its own weight. Military conquests had brought in a new kind of luxury. The rich amassed all the wealth, the poor soon found themselves unemployed, since slaves did all the work. It was clear that things could not go on much longer, and change was in the air.  Some thought that the change had come in Catiline. Catiline plotted to overthrow the Roman government, and to redistribute the wealth. Catiline’s plot was exposed, and he was killed in battle. Yet even today, we have a view of Catiline that is probably different from what he was really like. Catiline’s historical reputation is inaccurate, as can be seen from examining the style of ancient historians, looking at his probable innocence in the murder of Gratidianus, and critically evaluating his first conspiracy.

Catiline was born in 108 B.C. He gained power from his support of Sulla, and was elected praetor, as well as the governor of Africa. His radical ideas about redistribution of property and abolition of debts gained him popularity with the lower classes, but fierce enemies among the rich. Failing to achieve his ends by legal means, Catiline plotted to seize control by force. Cicero was informed of the plot by his spies, and exposed Catiline to the Senate. Catiline and his fellow conspirators were killed (Kaplan). Although it failed, the conspiracy was not without historical significance. Cicero’s place in history was largely secured by this event (Church 92).

The saying that the winners write the history books is glaringly true in the Catiline conspiracy. None of Catiline’s own speeches or writings have survived. The two main sources we have about the conspiracy come from Marcus Tullius Cicero, and Gaius Sallustus Crispus, both of whom had good reasons to place Catiline in an unfavorable light. From their writings Catiline emerges as a figure of satanic proportions. He was accused of almost every crime imaginable including murdering his brother-in-law, sister, step-son, and wife, and raping a vestal virgin. Virgil, in The Aeneid, didn’t think twice about placing Catiline in hell. “There (Tartarus) Catiline hung from a threatening rock, and trembled to see the Furies’s faces;...” (221). However, there is much to suggest that neither the portrait of Catiline painted by Cicero, nor Sallust, can be taken at face value.

Cicero, to start with, was one of the most egotistical figures in classical history. As Michael Grant writes in his introduction to Cicero’s speeches, “Readers will be appalled at the boastfulness of Cicero. He blows his trumpet with an unremitting loudness which can scarcely be paralleled” (11). Ordinarily, if an orator wished to publish his speeches he would do so immediately after they were delivered, yet Cicero waited three years to publish his speeches against Catiline. He had much time to rewrite them during this period, and evidence suggests he probably did. His speeches appear to be too long for the Senate to have sat through, considering the emotion present. More likely, they were what the Romans called “altercation”, or give and take. Catiline’s supporters would shout one thing, and Cicero would respond to it (Grant 11).

In his own eyes, Cicero had saved Rome from the greatest danger possible. He wanted to make sure the rest of Rome knew that, and his reworked speeches do everything to maximize the danger Rome was in, and the depravity of Catiline. Michael Grant writes, “Cicero’s picture of his (Catiline’s) personal character...is too classically frightful and diabolical to be true” (72).

Sallust, on the other hand, had high expectations when he began his political career. In his writings, he claimed that any man who did not make himself great was no better than the animals, who lived only to satisfy their appetites. Sallust entered the political scene as a populare. His support of Gaius Julius Caesar caused him some humiliating setbacks at the beginning, but by 49 B.C., Caesar had acquired a position of power, and Caesar rewarded his friends well. Sallust was on the verge of attaining his consulship, the ultimate goal for all politicians, when Caesar was murdered by the optimates. The political scene changed rapidly, and it soon became clear that Sallust was to have no part in the changing order (Linderski).

Sallust’s hopes were dashed. He had spent all of his adult life (he was 45 at the time) trying to achieve greatness through politics, only to leave the scene a nobody. In writing his histories, Sallust had two purposes: to achieve greatness in his writings that he never achieved in politics, and to get revenge on the political system and people he felt had kept him from greatness.

Sallust admits putting his own words of criticism into Catiline’s mouth. Through Catiline, Sallust harshly criticizes the optimates, who had opposed him at every turn. Nor do the populares escape denunciations, since Sallust felt they had been unappreciative of his actions. In other words, all the anger and cynicism we normally associate with Catiline really belong to Sallust (Hutchinson 24-28).

Secondly, these histories were Sallust’s last chance of greatness, and he was taking no chances. He wanted his readers to be on the edge of their seat as they read about the Catiline Conspiracy, wondering how Rome could possibly escape the danger, only to see it narrowly survive.  Naturally, such a story had to have a villian equal to the drama, and Sallust painted Catiline as a villain of the vilest nature (Hutchinson 24-28).

Sallust was not unique to his time in doing this. The ancients drew the line between history and story incredibly thin. Fact was often sacrificed for dramatization. Later historians writing about Catiline painted him much like Cicero and Sallust and, of course, made up events of their own to impress the reader. Most notably is Plutarch, who accused Catiline of killing his own brother, deflowering his own daughter, and eating flesh, while encouraging other young men to do the same (1046). No doubt these juicy crimes widened the eyes of his reader, but there is no apparent evidence behind them. Not only was Catiline never prosecuted for these crimes, but if there was any thread of rumor to these effects, you can bet Cicero and Sallust would have brought it up.

If all the crimes Catiline was charged with were believed to be true, he would not have been elected praetor or been allowed to stand for consul twice, much less have his array of powerful friends. In fact, few believed the crimes because it was common in ancient Rome to accuse an opponent of imaginary crimes. In schools of rhetoric, advocates were taught to make use of colours, a way of presenting insignificant facts, mixed with a few useful lies, to produce what appeared to be evidence of shocking guilt. “It had become a habit,” said Cicero (as quoted in Hutchinson 31) referring to this practice, even though he did it often himself. Also, in the law courts of the time, there were no rules of evidence. It was the duty of the prosecutor to create a maximum of prejudice. It is unfortunate that many of these fake crimes have leaked into history (Hutchinson 29-35).

Of all the crimes Catiline was accused of, the murder of Gratidianus was the most well-known. To make sense of this, it should be understood that in the late republic, Rome had two main political parties: the optimates and the populares. The optimates were the traditional aristocratic party, and the populares were the more populist party (Asimov 47).

Tensions between these two groups were always high, but it exploded under the rivalry of Marius and Sulla. Marius, the populare, was forced to flee when Sulla gained control of Rome. Narrowly escaping Sulla’s many death traps, Marius fled to Africa. Sulla, thinking Marius was dead, decided all was safe at home and left for Asia to conduct war against Pontus. Marius returned with an army to seize control of Rome. For many days the city stunk of rotting flesh as Marius conducted one of the most brutal massacres in Roman history. Everyone associated with the optimate party was murdered (Plutarch 478).

But Marius’s reign was short lived. He died of a stroke while his massacre was still in full swing. Sulla returned to regain control. Foremost on his mind was revenge. He wanted to conduct a slaughter of the populares that would exceed that of the optimates. He succeeded (Plutarch 556).

Among the victims was a man named Gratidianus, a native of Arpinum and related to Marius and Cicero. From what we know of Gratidianus, he was one of the few honest politicians Rome had. He attained popularity as a praetor by withdrawing bad money from circulation. Several statues had been raised in his honor, but he was a populare, and condemned as such (Hutchinson 39).

Catiline, although his political views would later change rapidly, was at this time one of Sulla’s right hand men. According to Plutarch, Catiline dragged Gratidianus to the tomb of Catulus, a former consul who had committed suicide to avoid being killed by Marius. In front of an applauding mob, Catiline broke Gratidianus’s legs, cut off his hands, and plucked out his eyes before finally decapitating him. After placing Gratidianus’s head at Sulla’s feet, Catiline added sacrilege to his crimes by washing his hands off in the sacred fountain of Apollo (Plutarch 946).

Yet there is sufficient evidence to doubt this story. Catiline remained on friendly terms with the populare senators, and was a successful candidate for high office. Of more importance, Sulla had insisted that the names of those who had received money for killing or betraying the proscribed (the people on Sulla’s death list) be entered into the public records. In 67 B.C., when the quaestor Cato made them refund this money, Catiline was never called into question (Hutchinson 40). The following year, Julius Caesar brought to court and condemned all those who had taken part in Sulla’s massacre. No mention was made of Catiline (Grant 19).

Catiline was first accused of murdering Gratidianus in De Petitione Consulatus, a book written to Marcus Cicero by his younger brother Quintus, on how to become successful in politics. Catiline was then later strongly attacked for this murder in In Toga Candida, a speech made by Cicero. It seems strange that Cicero would so strongly attack Catiline, when earlier the same year he had written the following to his friend Atticus, while Catiline was facing charges of extortion in Africa: “I design at present to defend my competitor Catiline....I hope if he be acquitted that he will be the more ready to join me in our common candidature....Catiline is a good citizen, a lover of honest men, a firm and faithful friend,” (as quoted in Hutchinson 43). Cicero never defended Catiline in the end.  It turned out that Cicero was not needed; all the senators of consular rank, and then consuls themselves gave testimony in Catiline’s favor, also indicating that he was innocent of the brutal murder. Based on the accusations made in In Toga Candida, Catiline was brought to court for the murder of Gratidianus, and prosecuted by Lucius Lucceius, an optimate and friend of Cicero. He was acquitted. (Hutchinson 39-41).

In 66 B.C., Publius Cornelius Sulla and Publius Autronius were elected consuls for the coming year. Unfortunately for them, they were never to see the day they would take office. They were found guilty of bribery, and disqualified, fined, and sentenced to permanent exclusion from the Senate and magistracies. Aurelius Cotta and Manlius Torquatus were elected in their place. According to traditional history, Sulla and Autronius believed they had spent too much money on the consulship to be defeated now. They soon came together with Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso, a hot-headed social revolutionary. Together the three plotted to overthrow the senate and place themselves in power.

Thinking Catiline would be sympathetic to their ideas, they approached him. Catiline eagerly accepted, and soon was dominating the whole plot. On the appointed day, Catiline was supposed to give the signal, and armed gladiators would storm into the Senate, killing all inside. Catiline, in his thirst for blood, gave the signal too soon before the gladiators had fully assembled, and the plan collapsed (Plutarch 1054).

This was known as Catiline’s first conspiracy, but it appears to be more rumor than anything else. Sallust presents it as fact, but even he has to admit that the whole thing was uncertain (Hutchinson 44). Torquatus, the consul who supposedly was marked for death, said “he had heard something of it, but believed none of it” (as quoted in Hutchinson 45). Neither a prosecution nor an inquiry was conducted, which suggests no one seriously believed the rumors. All of the so-called conspirators remained on good terms with the rest of the senate, which is unlikely had the senators truly believed the conspirators planned to kill them (Hutchinson 45). Even if the conspiracy did exist, Catiline’s involvement in it was most likely minimal, if at all. R.E. Smith writes, “The truth was rather that this so called first conspiracy of Catiline was a conspiracy of two disgruntled men” (86).

To add to the confusion, two men told a different story of the conspiracy. Aedile Marcus Bibulus, and a former consul, the elder Curio, told a version picked up by some other historians, most notably Suetonius. In this version, Catiline is in the background; the two masterminds were Crassus and Caesar. On the appointed day, Caesar was to give the signal for the massacre by letting his toga fall. All the senators would be murdered, and Crassus would be set up as dictator, with Caesar as his Master of the Horse. When the time came, Crassus chickened out, didn’t show, and the plan was aborted (Grant 20-30).

This view also has some inconsistences in it. For one thing, it contradicts the historical view we have of Crassus and Caesar. Crassus was always cautious never to put himself in front of things, preferring to achieve his means as inconspicuously as possible (Smith 86). Caesar, at this point in his career, was known for following the Roman constitution to the letter (Smith 87). Both men were too shrewd as politicians to ever do something as daring as this. After all, this is the same Caesar who Plutarch tells us refused the crown from Mark Antony three times, instead of just seizing power when he had the chance (Plutarch 1233). Furthermore, even if the plan had been successful, it would only have succeeded in bringing Pompey and his legions, currently stationed in Spain, back to Rome, where Pompey would have assumed the dictatorship (Smith 90).

Two-thousand years after he died, it’s hard to get an accurate picture of what Catiline really was like. Since the only information we have on him is from his enemies, it is more than likely he is different than we usually think of him. Whatever his character was, his vision was correct. The Republic didn’t last very long after him. The first Triumvirate was formed three years after his death.


Bibliography

Asimov, Isaac The Roman Republic Cambridge, Houghton Mifflin Company 1966


Cicero, Marcus Tullius Contra Catiline I-IV Rome, 66 B.C.


Church, Alfred Roman Life in the Days of Cicero New York, Bilso and Tannen, 1959


Grant, Michael Cicero: Selected Political Speeches London, Penguin Books 1969


Grant, Michael The Founders of the Western World: A History of Greece and Rome New York, Macmillan Publishing Company, 1989


Grant, Michael Julius Caesar. New York. M. Evans & Company. 1969


Hutchinson, Lester The Conspiracy of Catiline New York, Barnes and Noble 1967


Kaplan, Arthur “Catiline” (Electronic Encyclopedia) Grolier Electronic Publishing, Inc. Copyright 1995


Linderski, James “Sallust” (Electronic Encyclopedia) Grolier Electronig Publishing, Inc. Copyright 1995.


Maier, Paul Josephus: The Essential Writings Kregal Publications, Grand Rapids, 1988.