This book
is the sequel to The Three Musketeers.
In the previous post, I gave my history with The Three Musketeers and some of my thoughts on the style and substance of the Three Musketeers series generally. I’ll try not to needlessly
repeat myself here, but most of what I said in the previous post applies to
this book as well. As before, I continue
to be impressed by the story-telling qualities of Alexandre Dumas. As before, I continue to find these books so
modern in terms of story and pacing that it feels more like a modern-day
paperback than a 200 year old classic.
And as
before, I continue to enjoy the story-telling element of these books despite
not really sharing the values or politics of the protagonists.
But since I
said all that previously, let me focus on what is unique to this book.
The Review
Everyone knows about The Three Musketeers. And most people at least recognize The Man in the Iron Mask (the last book
in the Three Musketeers series.) But the books in the middle seem to be
largely forgotten. Few people are
familiar with Twenty Years After.
(In fact,
while I was reading this book, I was made very aware of how few people
recognize Twenty Years After. Over the past few weeks, whenever a friend or
co-worker asked to see what I was reading, not one person recognized the title.)
The
Wikipedia page, as of this writing, expresses some confusion over why this
sequel is so little known despite the fact that it works very effectively as a follow-up to the original book. ( This book is the least well-known of the Musketeer saga but works effectively as a sequel, with reappearances by most main characters (or children of main characters) and a number of subplots.)
Well,
perhaps I can offer a couple observations.
The sequel
requires a little bit more patience than the original book. The original Three Musketeers starts off immediately with a fight, and then
continues to keep the pacing fast and the action plenty as D’artagnan dashes
from one fight to another.
Twenty Years After, by contrast, has a
slow start. After beginning with the complexities of French politics during the
Fronde (W), there is an extended “Where Are They Now?” round-up
narrative in which D’Artagnan travels around to collect each of his old
friends.
(I suspect
this is already obvious from the title, but just to state the obvious: this
sequel takes place 20 years after the original book. The Musketeers are all middle-aged now, and
have gone their separate ways.)
It takes
about 200 pages before all 4 of the protagonists are assembled, and then
finally the story can truly begin.
The history
in Twenty Years After is also more
complex. The book takes place in
1648-1649, a period when both France
and England
were undergoing civil wars. Over the
course of the book, the Musketeers find themselves involved in both conflicts
and this requires the reader to keep track of the politics of both conflicts.
I’m enough
of a history geek to find these civil wars quite interesting, but that’s just
me. It’s quite possible that another
reader, someone who is only interested in these books for the action and
adventure, would get frustrated by all the chapters describing the politicians
scheming against each other.
However,
with those caveats aside, if you have the patience to wade through the politics
of the Fronde period, and also the extended round-up narrative at the beginning,
then you will find this book does not disappoint.
The first
200 pages move pretty slowly, but after you get through the initial set-up,
then the story takes off pretty well from there. I don’t want to give too much of the plot
away, but there’s lots of action, some great cloak-and-dagger intrigue, and a
couple of really good escape scenes.
The History (Warning:
Spoilers)
This book deals with both a civil
war in France (the Fronde) and a civil war in England. The Fronde I know absolutely nothing
about. The civil war in England,
however, I - am - somewhat - familiar - with. I’ll
comment a bit on my reaction to the historical sections of these books, but be
warned, there are plot spoilers ahead.
1. The Fronde
Since I don’t
know anything about the Fronde period in France, I’ll leave it to others to
comment on the historical accuracy of Dumas’s portrayal. (I know Dumas likes to mix fiction with real
history, so I’m treating the history in these sections with caution, but I don’t
know enough to determine on my own what is real and what is not.)
What I will
say, though, is that I thoroughly enjoyed the story.
In the
original Three Musketeers, Cardinal
Richelieu (W) was presented as the master schemer in government. By the time of Twenty Years After, Richelieu is dead, and instead Cardinal Mazarin
holds Richelieu’s former position.
Cardinal
Mazarin (W), the narrator explicitly tells us, is not the equal of Richelieu.
Cardinal Richelieu could dominate and control the various factions in
the French society, but Mazarin only has a tenuous grip on his power.
Nevertheless,
in terms of the story Mazarin plays much the same part as Richelieu
played. He is the ultimate schemer who
concocts plot after plot to ensure his power.
But what
makes Twenty Years After different is
that this time there are two scheming churchman. There’s Cardinal Mazarin on the side of the
royal family, but on the side of the Frondeurs there is the Coadjutor Gondi
(W).
Mazarin
schemes to keep order in Paris and preserve his
position, Gondi schemes to bring about civil disorder in Paris and topple Mazarin. Gondi is every bit
Mazarin’s equal, and the city of Paris
lurches from one crisis to the next as both men scheme against each other.
And, caught
up in the middle of everything are the 4 Musketeers.
In the
original book, everything was a lot more clear-cut. Cardinal Richelieu was the enemy, and the
Musketeers had to save the Queen’s honor from Richelieu’s
schemes.
Here, the
Musketeers are caught between two equally Machiavellian scheming churchman, and
it’s unclear who they should side with.
All of this
comes to a head one night when Coadjutor Gondi is snubbed at court by Cardinal
Mazarin, and then Gondi leaves plotting his revenge while Mazarin takes D’Artagnan
aside to tell him to watch Gondi.
In
response, D’artagnan turns to Porthos and says, “The Devil! That’s getting bad ; I do not like quarrels between
churchmen.”
And at this
point the Musketeers have a good idea that the rift between these two churchman
is not going to be smoothed over, and Paris
is about to erupt.
The
interesting thing about this civil war is the way it splits the Musketeers down
the middle. D’Artagnan and Porthos side
with Mazarin and the royal family, Athos and Aramis side with Gondy and the
Frondeurs.
In fact, there’s
a great scene which occurs after the Duc de Beaufort (W), one of the
Frondeurs, has been sprung from prison.
Athos and Porthos have been working to help Beaufort escape, while D’Artagnan
and Porthos are, on Mazarin’s orders, trying to re-capture Beaufort. Neither group knows that their friends are on
the other side, and during the middle of the fighting the 4 Musketeers suddenly
find themselves face to face with each other.
[Digression:
I know that the whole subplot with the Duc de Beaufort ended up just fizzling
out and not going anywhere (which was pretty surprising since his character’s
story arch dominated the middle of the book—perhaps its one of the indications
this book was originally published in serial form), but I still enjoyed the
whole story arch about the Duc de Beaufort’s prison escape. The whole lead up to the Duc de Beaufort’s
escape, and the suspense created around it, was really great. I also liked the irony that the Duc de
Beaufort was just as vain and as stubborn as Cardinal Mazarin, the man who had
put him into prison. So instead of the typical prison escape story—a story
about a good and kind man wrongly imprisoned—the story is about Athos and Aramis
where putting all this effort into freeing a man who probably doesn’t deserve
their help, but they still recognized his symbolic value for the Frondeur cause
anyway.]
2. The English Civil
War
The Fronde conflict in France
is portrayed (somewhat) sympathetically.
The people are shown as having legitimate grievances against the
policies of Mazarin and Queen Anne, and the Fronde cause has enough merit to
attract 2 out of the 4 Musketeers.
It’s not an
idealistic portrayal of a popular uprising—at the end of the story we find that
the actual leaders of the Fronde movement are just as greedy and selfish as
their opponents. But at least Dumas
treats the conflict with an equal amount of cynicism towards both sides.
This
balance however completely disappears once we cross the English
Channel. There is no
attempt to balance the legitimate complaints of the Parliamentary party against
the plight of King Charles. Instead the
English Civil War is portrayed in terms of pure good versus pure evil. The monarchy is portrayed as good, and the Puritan
republicans as evil.
The
Musketeers themselves are all unashamedly monarchists. In chapter 24, Athos gives his son a speech
about how although the King himself may make mistakes, the idea of monarchy is
to be always protected and revered.
Initially,
Athos and Aramis go to aid King Charles out of their respect for the sacred
tradition of Monarchy. D’Artagnan and
Porthos, on the other hand, are ordered by Mazarin to serve as emissaries to
Cromwell, but in chapter 60 the 4 Musketeers confront each other and Athos
rebukes D’Artagnan for not helping the King Charles. D’Artagnan replies:
“And how, after all, does it concern me that
M. Cromwell, who is an Englishman, should rebel against his king, who is Scotch? I am
a Frenchman; these things do not concern me.
Why, then, should you make me responsible for them?”
To which
Athos replies:
“Because all gentlemen are brothers. You are
a gentlemen, and kings of all countries are the first among gentlemen. Because
the blind and ungrateful populace always delight in bringing down what is
higher; and it is you—you, D’Artagnan, the man of high birth, good name, and of
great bravery, who have helped to hand over a king to sellers of beer, tailors,
and wagoners! Ah, D’Artagnan, as a soldier you have perhaps done your duty, but
as a gentleman you are culpable.”
This
sentiment, that the republican cause is less reputable than the King Charles’s
cause because the republicans are made up of common tradesmen, occurs repeatedly
throughout the book.
[There’s a
double standard going on here, because back in France, Athos and Aramis had sided
with the Frondeurs against the French royal family. In the case of the Frondeur conflict, Athos
and Aramis were able to justify this by claiming that they were not rebelling
against the personage of the King himself, but only against the King’s policy
makers. In the initial stages of the
English Civil War, the same logic was used by the many in the Parliamentary
forces, but Dumas completely ignores this subtlety.]
Of course I
know that in and of itself the characters’ opinions don’t always reflect the
author’s opinions. But what’s more
revealing is how Dumas frames the whole story.
King Charles is portrayed in this book much in the same way his propagandists
always portrayed him during the Restoration Period—as an innocent martyr. The Puritans and republicans, by contrast,
are always portrayed as bloodthirsty thugs.
During the king’s trial, the narrator himself while often break into the
story to editorialize about how unfairly King Charles was being treated.
In other
words, it’s not just the opinions of the characters—the whole book has an
anti-republican sentiment.
I’m not
sure exactly what’s going on here.
According to Wikipedia, Dumas was a republican sympathizer and even
participated in the July Revolution (W). So he clearly can’t believe it’s wrong for a
populace to rebel and overthrow a monarch, because he participated in it
himself.
I’ve
searched the Internet in vain to try and get some more insight into the
intersection between Dumas’s personal sympathies, and the politics of Twenty Years After, and have come up
with nothing. If anyone out there can
enlighten me, please do so.
But if I
had to make a guess, I would suspect Dumas was writing more as a dramatist than
an ideologue and was simplifying the complexities of the English Revolution in
order to make a good story, in the same way that English writers often did the
same with the French Revolution.
Charles Dickens, for example, was content to simplify all the complexities of the French Revolution into a blood-thirsty lower-class mob for the purposes of his story-telling. (It’s worth remembering that Dumas wrote
primarily because he was always desperate for money, and in the
1840s he may have judged the anti-republican themes to be the safer more
marketable story.)
And while I’m
making comparisons with English authors, here’s something else that struck me:
In Twenty Years After, King Charles is
portrayed as being abandoned by all his friends and allies except for the 4
Musketeers, who are faithful to him until the end. Several times in Twenty Years After, the book makes a big point of praising the bravery
of these Frenchman who tirelessly tried to rescue the King from the scaffold even
after all his own countrymen had abandoned him.
All of this
reminded me of the English book The Scarlet Pimpernel, in which the hero of the
book is an Englishman who tirelessly works to save helpless, but eternally
grateful Frenchmen, from the guillotine.
How ironic
that in the 19th Century, English authors were writing books about how brave
Englishman saved helpless Frenchman from the bloodthirstiness of the French
Revolution, while French authors were writing about how brave Frenchman saved
helpless Englishman from the bloodthirstiness of the English Revolution. (There’s probably some lesson to be learned
here somewhere about the national biases of history.)
And here’s
another thing that makes me wonder if Dumas is taking his own portrayal of the
English Civil War seriously:
At the end
of the original Three Musketeers, the
Musketeers capture Milady and decide to appoint themselves tribunals and put
Milady on trial for her crimes. They
had, of course, no legal authority for doing this, but they decided it was
justified given the circumstances and given the de facto power that they held over Milady after they had ambushed
and captured her.
They acted
both in dual capacity as both prosecutors and judges. There was no one there to speak in Milady’s
defense. Once they had listed their
grievances against Milady, they pronounced a sentence of death against her,
took her outside, and promptly executed her.
Ironically,
however, this exact same form of justice is what the Musketeers (and also the story’s narrator) find so
repellant about King Charles’s trial.
In chapter
68, the narrator editorializes: “The
Parliament condemned Charles Stuart to death, as it was easy to foresee.
Political trials are always empty formalities, for the same passions which
bring the accusation pronounce the judgment also. Such is the terrible logic of revolutions.”
Well then,
could not the same be said about Milady’s trial in which the same passions also
brought both the accusation and the judgment?
Is Dumas deliberately being ironic, or is this a double standard?
It’s
possible this is just an oversight on Dumas’s part, but the thing that makes me
suspect he’s being ironic is that he uses the same chapter titles for both
procedures. In the Three Musketeers,
chapter 65, in which Milady is condemned, is called The Trial. In Twenty Years After, chapter 67 in which
King Charles is condemned is also called The
Trial. Two very similar judicial
circumstances—one in which the Musketeers and the narrator approve, one in
which they do not. Surely he must have
realized the irony? Or was he just
writing these serialized chapters so fast that he didn’t have time to reflect
on whether he was being consistent or not?
Anyway, it
is possible to do a long and lengthy rebuttal of how Dumas portrayed King
Charles and the English Civil War. But
because I doubt whether Dumas is taking his own portrayal seriously, I’m not
sure it’s worth to time and effort. So
I’ll just write the short version here.
When
looking at the origins of the Civil War, it is of course possible to put a
certain amount of blame on both sides.
(If King Charles was obstinate. you could make the argument that John
Pym (W) and his parliamentary supporters were equally
so.)
And Oliver
Cromwell himself is difficult to defend, since once Cromwell came into power he
would show himself to be every bit as tyrannically as King Charles had
been. (Although this criticism applies
only to Cromwell himself, and not the other republican supporters, many of whom
did stay true to their ideals.)
And one
more caveat: we need not wish the death of any man. We can, like Thomas Paine, hold an anti-monarchist position but simultaneously wish that mercy be shown to deposed kings.
But this
doesn’t mean that Charles Stuart was innocent of the charges brought against
him.
Charles
Stuart started the Civil War in England
by attempting an armed coup in which he planned to take control of London and put dissenting
parliamentary members in jail. His
attempted coup-de-etat failed because Pym’s city supporters and Parliamentary
round-heads were too well organized.
Even after
the start of the Civil War was a fait
accompli, there were several points during the course of the
war when the Parliamentary side was exhausted and eager to reach a
compromise. At each of these times,
Charles refused a compromise. He
believed with a fanatic’s zeal in the cause of absolute monarchy, and refused
to accept any compromise that would have ended the war. Because of this, he overplayed his hand many
times even when he could have gotten a peace that was to his advantage.
In Twenty Years After, Charles is portrayed
as an innocent martyr who several times proclaims that his only crime was
fighting for what he believed in.
In fact, it
was not King Charles himself who did the fighting, but the English common
people. It is estimated that 1 in 10 of England’s
population died during these Civil Wars, all because King Charles was too
stubborn to give up the cause of absolute monarchy.
King
Charles refused to accept defeat. When
Parliament captured King Charles’ correspondence after the battle of Naseby, it was discovered that King Charles
had been trying to recruit other foreign armies to his cause (W). King Charles, through his wife Henrietta
Maria, tried to gain the support of the French army to reinstate him on the
English throne. (Dumas actually relates
this in Twenty Years After, but doesn’t
appear to think this is a bad thing.)
When Charles’s royalist army was first defeated by the Parliamentary
forces, King Charles made a pact with the Scots and invaded England again.
Surely, a
King who is willing to recruit foreign armies to suppress his own people is not
deserving of much sympathy.
For the
purposes of his drama Dumas compresses the time frame of events. He portrays King Charles as being rushed to
trial and execution after he was handed over by the Scots, but in fact there
was a whole second civil war that broke out that Dumas completely omits from
his narrative.
After he
was captured by Parliament the first time, King Charles still refused to negotiate a settlement with Parliament. He just made empty promises, and eventually
waited Parliament out until the royalist forces were able to recuperate, and
the civil war started all over again.
At the end
of the Second Civil War, England
was exhausted by a decade of war. And
then even after he was defeated a second time, King Charles still refused to
come to an agreement with Parliament. It’s
no wonder Parliament’s patience was exhausted with him at this point, and they
put him on trial.
Historians
seem to differ on whether the outcome of King Charles’ trial was pre-determined
or not. (I’ve read historians on either
side of the question.) But at least some
historians argue that the sentence of death was not an inevitability, and that
even here Parliament was hoping King Charles would negotiate a plea with the
Parliament that would allow them to come to some sort of constitutional
arrangement and keep the figure-head of the King. But by refusing to recognize the court or
enter a plea, King Charles’ guaranteed the outcome would be his own death.
Characterizations
As I
commented in my previous post on The
Three Musketeers, it is interesting to see Athos’s evolution. In The
Three Musketeers, he seemed to be the most cold-hearted of the 4. In Twenty
Years After, he is now consistently the voice for mercy.
It appears
he feels great regret over what he did to Milady at the end of The Three Musketeers, and this has
caused him to change his character.
That, and also now he is raising a son, which has also caused him to
re-examine his life.
Of course,
in saying all this I’m giving Dumas the benefit of the doubt and assuming that
this is character evolution, rather than just narrative inconsistency.
In the case
of Porthos, however, I’m not sure the same benefit can be made.
In The Three Musketeers, Porthos was
portrayed as the vain one of the group.
In Twenty Years After, Dumas
seems to have changed his mind and portrayed Porthos as the strong, but dumb
member.
(I’d
actually have to go back and re-read The
Three Musketeers to be absolutely confident in this claim. But, as far as memory serves, I don’t
remember Porthos being portrayed as exceptionally strong or stupid in the
original book, so I think his portrayal in Twenty
Years After is inconsistent.)
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2 comments:
Hi Joel, I really appreciated your review of this book, Twenty Years After! Even though I've read it before, your blog really helped me more fully understand what was going on. I am glad you enjoyed it.
Thanks for the comment Dean. As I said in the previous post, the fact that you've been recommending these books to me for so many years was one of the major reasons I finally took the trouble to track them down.
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